Saturday, May 9, 2009

Food Not bombs Faced with Court Injunction to stop sharing food!!!

Hey Friends and Supporters,

Today, Friday, May 8, 2009, Food Not Bombs Albuquerque was notified that we are facing an injunction in court to stop sharing food anywhere that the state of New Mexico requires a permit. The motion filed by the New Mexico Environment Department cites Mike Butler, Patrick Jaite, and Several Unidentified Members of FNB as "John Does", as defendents.

We are currently going to be talking with lawyers and figuring out what our next step is. We are still looking for any lawyer that will do pro-bono work to defend us. (our contact info will be below).Please spread the word about the repression that is happening and know that we will continue to share food to all that are hungry.

Sincerely,

Food Not Bombs Albuquerque

fnb_505@yahoo.com and leave a message for us @ (505) 842-5697

Saturday, April 11, 2009

AFGHANISTAN WAR ACTION RESULTS IN 14 ARRESTS AT CREECH AIR FORCE BASE

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE FOR INFORMATION:

April 9, 2009 Jeff Leys - 773-619-2418

Www.nevadadesertexperience.org


AFGHANISTAN WAR ACTION RESULTS IN
14 ARRESTS AT CREECH AIR FORCE BASE

Indian Springs, NV - Late this afternoon, fourteen peace activists
were arrested at Creech Air Force Base in Indian Springs, Nevada. The
arrests occurred during a ten day vigil which seeks to raise public
awareness of the increasing use of unmanned drones in the war in
Afghanistan and Pakistan. Air Force personnel based at Creech control
the Predator and Reaper drones being used in Central Asia.


The 14 people walked through the open main gate shortly after 3:00
p.m. Air Force security personnel stopped them after they walked into
the base. They were seeking to engage in dialogue and conversation
with the Air Force service members controlling the Predators and
Reapers used in Central Asia. In a gesture of good will, they offered
to break bread and share pizza with Air Force personnel.


The Nevada State Highway Patrol responded as did the Las Vegas Metro
Police Department. The activists were arrested on the charge of
trespass and transported to the Clark County Detention Facility. The
14 are currently being booked and processed at the facility.


Those arrested include:


John Dear, S.J. (New Mexico)
Kathy Kelly (twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize from Illinois)
Dennis DuVall (Arizona)
Renee Espeland (Des Moines, Iowa Catholic Worker Community)
Judy Homanich (Binghamton, New York)
Steve Kelly, S.J. (California)
Mariah Klusmire (Albuquerque, New Mexico Catholic Worker community)
Louis Vitale, O.F.M. (Oakland, California)
Jerry Zawada, O.F.M. (Tucson, Arizona)
Sister Megan Rice, SHCJ (Nevada Desert Experience, Las Vegas, Nevada)
Brian Terrell (Strangers & Guests Catholic Worker, Maloy, Iowa)
Eve Tetaz (Washington, D.C.)
Brad Lyttle (Chicago, Illinois)
Elizabeth Pappalardo (Crystal Lake, Illinois)

xxxx

April 10 update from the Nuclear Resister: Thirteen of the activists
arrested at Creech AFB were released from custody this morning and
have a June 9 court date on trespass charges. They are headed back to
Creech AFB to join peacewalkers and others for the Good Friday
Stations of the Cross. Steve Kelly refused to sign the citation and
is still being held at the Clark County Detention Facility.

To those of you in or near Tucson: John Heid and Felice Cohen-Joppa
held signs on April 9 at Davis-Monthan Air Force Base in Tucson, in
solidarity with the Creech Air Force Base vigil, to protest the drones
flown by Arizona National Guard at Davis-Monthan. If you are
interested in joining future vigils at Davis-Monthan, contact
<nukeresister@igc.org> or 520-323-8697.
http://www.atwillett.com/predator_pilots01.html

Monday, April 6, 2009

Breaking Out Of Prisons!

Links:
[1] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/forward/1287
[2] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/print/1287
[3] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/authors/judith-mcdaniel
[4] http://www.educationtrainingsolutions.com
[5] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/issue-394-april-2009
[6] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/geography/americas/northern-america/united-states
[7] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/1-wars-and-militarism/1-12-cycles-violence
[8] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/3-working-peace-conflict-transformation/3-06-peace-education/3-06-05-peace-education
[9] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/3-working-peace-conflict-transformation/3-06-peace-education/3-06-07-progressive-pedagogies
[10] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/301
[11] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/305
[12] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/taxonomy/term/398
[13] http://www.peaceworkmagazine.org/category/8-creative-expression-and-reviews-art-music-literature/8-01-nonfiction-writing
[14] http://www.afsc.org/store

Sunday, April 5, 2009

Obama's Neoliberals: Selling His Afghan War One Report at a Time

Obama's Neoliberals: Selling His Afghan War One Report at a Time

In its support for the Afghan war, the Center for American Progress is aligning itself with the “experts” who have been wrong about pretty much everything

by Jeremy Scahill

Reading the Center for American Progress’ new report supporting President Obama’s escalation of the US war against Afghanistan is a very powerful reminder of how much neoliberals and neocons are alike. This, of course, is not some genius observation, particularly since CAP and the neocons are making it hard to miss, what with their love triangle with the war. Indeed, CAP’s launch event for its report, “Sustainable Security in Afghanistan: Crafting an Effective and Responsible Strategy for the Forgotten Front,” included a leading neocon, Frederick Kagan and was promoted by William Kristol’s new version of the Project for a New American Century, the Foreign Policy Initiative. So, here is part of what we are seeing unfold: Running parallel to the bi-partisan war machine within the official government is a coordinated campaign in the shadow government—the think tanks. Or, as Naomi Klein describes them, the people paid to think by the makers of tanks. CAPs particular role in this campaign appears to be attempting to sell Obama’s war.

“The problem is not that the Bush administration’s effort in Afghanistan failed,” CAP declares. “The problem is that it was never given a chance to succeed.” The report is replete with the language of Empire and phrases like, “vital U.S. interests” and “U.S. national interests.” The phrase “Afghan interests” is never used. CAP also calls for a continuation of the US bombing raids in Pakistan. In calling for an escalation of the war in Afghanistan, CAP relies on the classic hubris of empire, saying, “U.S. policymakers and military leaders must be aware that throughout their history Afghans have resisted large numbers of foreign forces on their soil, but today the situation is different.” Why is it different? According to CAP, “Nearly two-thirds of Afghans still support U.S. forces throughout the country.” This claim would be funny if it wasn’t so lethally misleading.

US-backed leader Hamid Karzai can barely step foot outside of his palace without risking being killed. “Some intelligence officials estimate that the government of president Hamid Karzai now controls approximately one-third of Afghan territory,” CAP acknowledges. How on earth, then, do they pretend to know that Afghans actually love the US occupation? Well, check the footnotes in CAPs report and you see that CAP is basing its claim on an ABC News poll, “Public Opinion Trends in Afghanistan,” which is based on 1,534 interviews conducted in December 2008/January 2009. When you actually take the time to read the details of the poll CAP cites, that claim that “two-thirds” of Afghans “support…U.S. forces throughout the country” is extremely dubious and outright misleading. The poll actually says that 52% of Afghans have an “unfavorable” view of the United States—up from 14% in 2005. It also says Afghans give the US a 32% performance rating, down from 68% in 2005. Only 37% of Afghans say there is “support” in their area for US/NATO/ISAF forces. The statistic the CAP report singles out for its “two-thirds support” claim is one labeled “Presence of US Forces in Afghanistan,” which says that 63% of Afghans support it. However, in the next graph, only 18% of Afghans say they want the force increased and 44% want it decreased. So, read into this what you will, but do read it before buying CAP’s claim.

In its report, CAP acknowledges the growing global unpopularity of the US occupation of Afghanistan, saying, “In a U.S. poll taken in mid-March, 42 percent of the respondents said the United States made a mistake in sending military forces to Afghanistan, up from 30 percent just a month before and from 6 percent in January 2002. Europeans are even more skeptical, with majorities in Germany, Britain, France, and Italy opposing increased troop commitments to the conflict.” Such public opinion is worrying to CAP and the report says, “Convincing the American people, our NATO allies, and the countries in the region why an increased effort in Afghanistan is essential to their vital security interests will be one of the most difficult challenges facing the new administration.” In its report, CAP called on Obama to forcefully make the case for escalating the war in Afghanistan and Obama certainly did his best on his trip through Europe for the G20. The bottom line for CAP’s argument, which is also Obama’s, is this: “Unlike the war in Iraq, which was always a war of choice, the war in Afghanistan was and still is a war of necessity.” This line is hardly new. The report says “vital US interests will be served” by:

—“Ensur[ing] that Afghanistan does not again become a launching pad for international terrorism.”
—“Prevent[ing] a power vacuum in Afghanistan that would further destabilize Pakistan and the region.”
—“Prevent[ing] Afghanistan from being ruled by extreme elements of the Taliban and other extremist groups.”


Of course, there are opponents of the Obama administration’s escalation in Afghanistan who argue for a withdrawal from Afghanistan on moral grounds, as the War Resisters League, Peace Action and others have. “Others have laid out reasons ­from Afghanistan’s topography to the U.S. economic crisis ­that would make an expanded war in Afghanistan ‘unwinnable,’” declared the WRL in a recent statement. “WRL does not base our opposition on such arguments. While they may be correct, we challenge the very idea of a ‘winnable’ war and oppose this one as we oppose all war: not solely for practical and strategic reasons, but because of our, and [Martin Luther] King Jr.’s, decades-long commitment to nonviolence.” That position is very clear. However, there are others who agree with Obama and CAP in their basic portrayal of the “threats,” but who still question the military escalation, arguing that it will make the situation even worse. As Senator Russ Feingold of Wisconsin recently argued, “the decision to send 21,000 additional troops to Afghanistan — and possibly an additional 10,000 troops next year — before fully confronting the terrorist safe havens and instability in Pakistan could very well prove ineffective, or worse, counterproductive. So long as the Taliban can flee into Pakistan and operate from there with relative ease, any gains against them in Afghanistan may well be temporary at best. Meanwhile, our troops would be threatened by forces who are largely beyond their reach, in Pakistan, while our increased military presence in Afghanistan could stoke resentment among the Afghan people.”

In late March, a bipartisan group of lawmakers sent Obama a letter arguing, “The 2001 authorization to use military force in Afghanistan allowed military action ‘to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States.’ Continuing to fight a counterinsurgency war in Afghanistan does not appear to us to be in keeping with these directives and an escalation may actually harm US security.”

CAP, however, is clearly not listening to “progressive” or anti-war lawmakers. In fact, CAP says that Bush did the war against Afghanistan “on the cheap and committed too few troops and resources.” Therefore, CAP is calling for a stunning expansion of the scope of the military occupation of Afghanistan, a “nearly 300 percent increase over the average force level for the period from 2002 to 2007,” according to the report. CAP goes beyond what Obama has already committed to and calls for 70,000 US troops and an additional 30,000 allied troops—a total of 100,000 troops, plus an expanded Afghan Army and police force. CAP calls for “a prolonged U.S. engagement using all elements of U.S. national power—diplomatic, economic, and military—in a sustained effort that could last as long as another 10 years.”

To pay for this, CAP in part suggests taking what it claims will be a $330 billion savings from “reduced combat missions in Iraq” and applying $25 billion of it every year for five years to the “increased U.S. troop presence in Afghanistan” with another $5 billion per year “to increase U.S. foreign aid and diplomatic operations.” While there is a much bigger argument to be had here about spending priorities while millions of Americans are suffering from the economic meltdown, there is serious reason to question the idea that somehow we are going to be seeing any substantial “savings” in Iraq spending (except, of course, through the kind of creative accounting that masks actual US military expenditures, particularly relating to Iraq).

While calling for the US military to hammer the regions of Afghanistan where opposition to the occupation and the puppet regime in Kabul is strongest, CAP suggests the US “disperse economic assets and development teams to more stable and cooperative parts of the country.” The goal of this is to “reward the allied population with improved economic conditions and to demonstrate to the adversarial population the tangible benefits of cooperating with U.S. and allied forces.” This is similar to the US economic wars against Iraq and Cuba where the population is punished for its leadership and the US attempts to force them into submission to occupation or subjugation.

CAP acknowledges the “Taliban’s increasing power and influence,” adding that “many Afghan leaders have become increasingly critical of the conduct of international military operations in the country… Primarily because of the increasing and understandable unpopularity of NATO and U.S. air strikes,” but doesn’t call for a halt to them. Instead, CAP concludes, “it should be noted that violent insurgent attacks, particularly the proliferation of suicide bombings, still inflict the majority of civilian casualties in Afghanistan.”

CAP doesn’t just limit its belligerence for the Afghans. The report bluntly states that Obama must “Maintain capability to conduct missile strikes in Pakistan’s border regions absent Pakistani capability and will to do so itself.” Perhaps CAP should check in with retired United States Army Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, the former chief of staff to Secretary of State Colin Powell, and ask him why he recently declared that the U.S. should halt all Air and Predator drone strikes against Pakistan.

Filmmaker Robert Greenwald just returned from Afghanistan as part of his important documentary series, Rethink Afghanistan, which he is producing as a rolling web-based work-in-progress. In a climate where anti-war voices are being systematically kept off the corporate airwaves, Greenwald has managed to break up the party a bit, even making it onto MSNBC where he said “there is a significant belief that troops are not the answer.” While Greenwald is not exactly storming the White House to demand the immediate withdrawal of all US troops, his Brave New Films Foundation has issued a petition calling for hearings in both the House and Senate before Obama deploys more troops to Afghanistan, saying, “At a time when our country faces a credibility crisis around the world, record casualties in Afghanistan, and an economic meltdown at home, oversight hearings are needed now more than ever.” That is the least Congress could do and Greenwald’s ever-expanding film would be a good starting place for lawmakers to do some (overdue) fact-finding. The folks at CAP would be wise to watch them as well before putting out any more reports.

Here is the bottom line: the situation in Afghanistan is getting worse. As CAP states, “Last year was the deadliest on record for American troops, and fatalities in the first two months of 2009 are outpacing 2008 figures for a similar period. Afghan civilian casualties skyrocketed 40 percent in 2008—their highest since the beginning of the war.” According to the UN 2,118 civilians were killed in 2008 (other estimates put the number much higher). CAP even admits, “U.S. and NATO efforts to respond to the rise in attacks, have led to a dramatic increase in the number of civilian casualties suffered by the Afghan people.”

And yet somehow, in the eyes of CAP, all of these statistics seem to just beg for even more US troops in Afghanistan, continued bombing and sustaining the missile strikes in Pakistan. Those opposed to an escalation of the war in Afghanistan can take heart in the justice of their cause: on this issue, CAP is not on the side of those who were right about Iraq, who confronted the WMD lie, who stood up to the illegal war. No, instead, CAP is on the side of the neocons, the “experts” who know so little about so much who have been wrong about, well, almost everything for a long time.

Jeremy Scahill is the author of the New York Times bestseller Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army. He is currently a Puffin Foundation Writing Fellow at the Nation Institute.

Friday, April 3, 2009

No State Solution concerning Palestine and Israel!

Democracy Now April 3, 2009

AMY GOODMAN: We’re just wrapping up right now, but I want to ask if you support a one- or two-state solution there?

NOAM CHOMSKY: Nobody supports—I mean, you can talk about a one-state solution, if you want. I think a better solution is a no-state solution. But this is pie in the sky. If you’re really in favor of a one-state solution, which in fact I’ve been all my life—accept a bi-national state, not one state—you have to give a path to get from here to there. Otherwise, it’s just talk. Now, the only path anyone has ever proposed—

AMY GOODMAN: We have ten seconds.

NOAM CHOMSKY: —is through two states as the first stage.

Sunday, March 15, 2009

In Memory of Rachel Corrie

In Memory of Rachel Corrie

by Gila Svirsky

Rachel Corrie was killed in the Gaza Strip in Palestine on March 16, 2003, trying to prevent the demolition of the home of a Palestinian family.

I was not present in Rafah that terrible day, 16 March 2003, but I have frequently replayed in my mind the events leading up to the moment when a bulldozer rolled over Rachel Corrie. I think to myself: What compelled this young woman, neither Jewish nor Palestinian, to travel 10,000 miles from home, throw in her lot with a family not her own, a people not her own, and ultimately meet a death that came suddenly, swiftly, in an instant of shocked comprehension.

In the biblical book of Ruth, we read of Naomi whose two sons have died, leaving two young widows. Naomi encourages her daughters-in-law to remain in Moab, their own land. One daughter-in-law kisses Naomi and bids her farewell. The other, Ruth, chooses to accompany Naomi to the distant climes of Judah. Why does Ruth go? “Entreat me not to leave thee,” says Ruth, “for whither thou goest, I will go; and where thou lodgest, I will lodge; thy people shall be my people, and thy God, my God.” And she continues, “Where thou diest, will I die, and there will I be buried.”

The biblical figure of Ruth journeys to her new people, expecting never to return, but to be buried in foreign soil.

The modern figure of Rachel journeyed to her new people, expecting to return for the start of the school year, and never to be buried, or to be buried at some vastly distant unimaginable future, but never to find her death in the soil of her chosen destination. She journeyed to her new people expecting to find another culture, another language, another way of interacting, but never to find another attitude toward the taking of life. She journeyed expecting to see death, but never to be embraced by it herself.

In Fear and Trembling, Kierkegaard recounts the story of Abraham as he takes his son Isaac to be sacrificed on Mount Moriah. The story is so unfathomable – how could Abraham take his son, his only son, and prepare to slay him for no apparent reason other than God’s inscrutable request? Kierkegaard constructs several scenarios of what may have been coursing through Abraham’s heart as he walked his son to Moriah to kill him.

Writes Kierkegaard: “It was early in the morning, Abraham rose betimes, he embraced Sarah, the bride of his old age, and Sarah kissed Isaac, who had taken away her reproach, who was her pride, her hope for all time. So they rode on in silence along the way, and Abraham’s glance was fixed upon the ground until the fourth day when he lifted up his eyes and saw afar off Mount Moriah, but his glance turned again to the ground. Silently he laid the wood in order, he bound Isaac, in silence he drew the knife – then he saw the ram which God had prepared. Then he offered that and returned home…From that time on Abraham became old, he could not forget that God had required this of him. Isaac throve as before, but Abraham’s eyes were darkened, and he knew joy no more.”

In my mind’s eye when I see Rachel standing on that mound of earth and facing the bulldozer, I envision a young woman looking at the small window fast approaching her in the brow of the bulldozer, peering into that dark space to find the eyes of the soldier who was driving, perhaps someone her own age, someone who also loved to dance and joke with a younger sister, someone who was thinking about how long it would take until he could finish this job and get back to the base where he didn’t have to face the anger of people who don’t understand what he’s doing, thinking about his weekend pass and his own future, maybe he would go back to school and finish that course, or about his own loneliness, and how it is to be out here alone at the gears every day, and then there’s this girl out there, and why doesn’t she get out of the way. What was his next thought – “Shall I kill her?” or “I’ll scare her – she’ll move” or “Still time to brake!” – as he hurtles forward.

In this land where blood pours down like lemon drops and sticks to all the senses, to paraphrase Joni Mitchell, we cannot know what thought compelled this young man to push on. Later that day, he may have wept and found comfort among his friends. He may have shrugged it off – a dirty job but someone’s gotta do it. But we do know one thing: He will live with the death of Rachel for the rest of his life. He may not read every article about her, he may agree only with those that justify his deed, but we know that he reads some of what is written, and we know that he thinks about that day, and wonders if things, somehow, could have ended differently. How do we know this? We know because we agree with Rachel, who risked her life in the belief that whoever was driving that vehicle would stop before he harmed her. We know because we believe, like Rachel, in the fundamental decency of every human being, and that even those who kill, harbor pain in their hearts for that death. We do not have to forgive this man or this system that led him to kill in order to understand that the trauma of Rachel’s death, which affected millions of people throughout the world, also affected the man who took her life.

On that blindingly sunny day in Rafah, when optimism glints irrationally from every tank, every M16, every dogtag on the necks of 18-year-olds in uniform, photos of loved ones in their pockets, Rachel stood her ground with ease, waiting for his eyes to meet hers, waiting for decency to slow the grinding treads, waiting for the moment of sanity to kick in, to interrupt the flow of tension swelling toward collision, waiting for the inevitable to happen – that reason would prevail.

Today we are some distance from that moment, we have had time to think about it, and still we are no more capable of fathoming what transpired: That until the moment of impact, Rachel never lost her faith in the decency of the bulldozer driver; that until the moment of impact, the driver never understood that he was capable of this terrible crime.

Writes Kierkegaard, “It was a quiet evening when Abraham rode out alone, and he rode to Mount Moriah; he threw himself upon his face, he prayed God to forgive him his sin, that he had been willing to offer Isaac, that the father had forgotten his duty toward the son.”

In my own efforts to understand these terrible deeds, the one on Mount Moriah and the one in Rafah, I ask myself: At Moriah, what was the more terrible – that Abraham had been willing to sacrifice his son? Or that God had demanded this of him?

And in Rafah, who is the real sinner – the soldier who ended the life of a girl on a mound of earth in a land not his and not hers – a land where Rachel, like Ruth, was invited and welcomed, but he was an interloper and resented? Or, in Rafah, too, is the real sinner the God who had demanded this of him – God the army officers, God the brutal policies, God the society of those willing to inflict pain on others to still their own fears and traumas?

And whose gaze turned from one of trust to astonished alarm? The driver, who trusted that Rachel would leap away before it was too late? Or Rachel, who trusted that the driver would halt the vehicle one tread sooner?

Ever more relevant is “Season of the Camomile” by the late Palestinian poet Samir Rantisi, written in 1988, soon after the killing of an Israeli and a Palestinian near the village of Beita. An excerpt:

How many more ordinary mornings
will fill us with horror
and transform our day to another sky;
who chose us
to be the victim and the symbol
to be the beginning of the beginnings,
the moment of historical trial;
we, the two dreamers,
the routine, the ordinary,
who chose us
to be the heart of the conflict
and the crossroads of time

why didn't you find someone besides me to be a symbol?
why didn't they find someone besides you to be a victim?
why could they only find Beita in the spring.

Our hearts in grief, we ask: Why didn’t they find someone besides you to be a victim? why didn’t they find someone besides you to be a symbol? Ah, Rachel, ah, unknown soldier, why could you only find Rafah in the spring?

Gila Svirsky is co-chair (along with Professor David Kretzmer) of B’Tselem: Israeli Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories.

Newark Program for Gay Youths

Newark Program for Gay Youths Would Be First of its Kind

by Barry Carter

NEWARK, N.J. - Just about every Friday Karina Rodriguez and Corina Adorno ride the PATH train from Newark Penn Station to hang out on Christopher Street in New York City.

[Karina Rodriguez, left, and girlfriend Corina Adomo, walk through Newark, where they say their lifestyle is not accepted. (Aristide Economopoulos/The Star-Ledger)]Karina Rodriguez, left, and girlfriend Corina Adomo, walk through Newark, where they say their lifestyle is not accepted. (Aristide Economopoulos/The Star-Ledger)
They can be themselves there, do what heterosexuals take for granted. They can be a couple, hold hands, socialize with other gay and lesbian youths in lower Manhattan.

If they could, they would stay in their hometown -- Newark. But their lifestyle is not widely accepted, making it uncomfortable to be themselves, making it difficult to be safe.

We know the derogatory names, and we've heard the twisted logic that says "you're too cute to be gay." We know what follows next -- the bullying, the fear of being attacked.

"Here you have to mind yourself," Rodriguez, 17, said. "If you're a person trying to come out, it's hard, because everyone is always saying something to you. It's intimidating."
Aristide Economopoulos/The Star-LedgerKarina Rodriguez, left, and girlfriend Corina Adomo, walk through Newark, where they say their lifestyle is not accepted.

These young women don't hide their sexuality, but kids like them leave Newark and go where people's minds are not closed, where there are places to congregate freely, where they can talk about their lives and issues that affect them.

A space like this -- with resources, programs and counselors -- should have happened here six years ago, when Sharpe James was mayor. Sakia Gunn, a 15-year-old lesbian from Newark, was killed in a bias crime when she rejected the advances of a man on Broad and Market streets, the crossroads of a city that Mayor Cory Booker said is on the rise.

Newark, unfortunately, didn't do much after Gunn's death.

The school district held a "no name-calling day" the following year, but talks with Mayor James for a lesbian and gay teen counseling center went nowhere.

The city is now working to change its ways, trying to be progressive. For the past six months, city and school officials have been meeting with gay advocates from the Newark Pride Alliance to start an after-school program for Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Questioning (LGBTQ) youths in the city. It would be the first center of its kind in Newark to deal with an often-ostracized population of young people.

Booker mentioned the program in his State of the City speech, saying he would not tolerate harassment of city youth because of their sexual orientation. If everything works out, organizers said, the program will start out in a city school this fall and put Newark on the map with other cities that have been providing services for gay and lesbian youths for years.

"To put it simply, it's been a long time coming," said James Credle, executive director of the alliance. "Too many people treat them as less than human."

The program will be modeled after one run by the Hetrick-Martin Institute, a 30-year-old organization that serves LGBTQ youth in New York City. The institute deals with 1,000 youths a year from more than 200 ZIP codes in the metropolitan area and helps another 2,500 through outreach. Newark kids figure into that number, because they don't have many options in New Jersey's largest city.

"LGBTQ young people are far less provincial than straight young people," said Thomas Krever, executive director of Hetrick-Martin. "They will travel further for services because for many of them, it's not safe for them to receive services in their own communities."

So instead of reinventing the wheel, a volunteer committee of community stakeholders will pick the best of Hetrick-Martin and design a program for Newark's gay and lesbian young people. Most likely, its components will include counseling, health and wellness, career exploration, HIV education, GED programs for those who have dropped out of school and suicide prevention.

"We want a safe place for our youth," said Darnell Moore, an active member with the alliance. "They are one of the most vulnerable populations in our city."

Not just in Newark, but across the country. The Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network surveyed 6,209 middle and high school students in 2007 and learned that nearly nine out of 10 (86.2 percent) of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender students experienced harassment at school, three-fifths (60.8 percent) felt unsafe at school because of their sexual orientation, and about a third (32.7 percent) skipped a day of school in the past month because they felt unsafe.

Adorno, 16, believes the proposed after-school program will help Newark's gay and lesbian students come out and hopefully feel comfortable enough to join LGBT clubs at school.

There are only two in the district -- at arts and science high schools -- but Adorno believes there would be more if students weren't afraid. They fear reaction from friends and, sadly, from family members, some who have kicked their sons and daughters out of the house.

So when Booker talks about Newark lifting itself up, he understands the renaissance has to be more than structural. It has to be a renaissance of the mind.

This may take a while, but the after-school program is a good start.

Saturday, March 7, 2009

How Capitalism Feels in the Head

The Vindication of Crystal Eastman

How Capitalism Feels in the Head

By TRACEY BRIGGS

In January, Sheila Rowbotham presented her latest work, Edward Carpenter: A Life of Liberty and Love (2008), at a conference at UCLA, which was cosponsored by the Center for the Study of Women and the Center for Social Theory and Comparative History. Her most recent study is of an Englishman living a century ago who advocated for and anticipated the struggle of a wide array of social justice issues: women’s rights, anti-vivisection, socialism, gay rights, anti-imperialism, prison reform, free love, and a general freedom of thought.

I first was introduced to Sheila Rowbotham’s work when Promise of a Dream: Remembering the Sixties (2002) was published. My graduate advisor at the time had told me to read it to gain a better perspective of the anti-nuclear campaign in Britain. This aspect of the work was intriguing but what held my undivided attention was Rowbotham’s socialist feminism. Her strong, unfaltering voice of woman’s freedom came through clear and unmistakable. A few years later, when writing my dissertation on a radical social settlement in Greenwich Village, I stumbled across a personal narrative that needed such illumination that she could provide.

In 1905, Crystal Eastman, sister of radical journalist Max Eastman, was living in the Village while studying law at NYU. Before bohemianism had really set in, tales of a local hotspot circulated through the neighborhood. The young Eastman, looking to make friends, wanted to be there. Luckily, her occasional beau, Paul Kellogg, was a member. She later told her brother: “The settlement where Mr. Kellogg takes his meals and where he has taken me twice for dinner, Greenwich House – is the place of all places where I want to get next year. . . . The reason I like it is because they are all cranks and reformers, and sooner or later every really interesting up and doing radical who comes to this country gets down to Greenwich House for a meal.” She was certain that “if I can get in there and make them like me, I shall consider my future made as far as real living goes.”

Crystal was warm and personable, making it easy to like her. Within a year, she found herself exactly where she wished to be at Greenwich House. The fiery Eastman’s initial impression of its director, Mary Simkhovitch, must have been chilling, but her husband was a different story. In stark contrast, the handsome Vladimir, a professor of economics at Columbia University, was secretly attracted to Eastman. Within a short period of time, she found herself included not only in the midst of the activity of the settlement but also within the closest circles of Vladimir Simkhovitch, receiving invitations to exclusive and intimidating groups such as the Philosophical Society where she dined and conversed with those in the upper echelons of New York intelligentsia.

In the fall of 1906, Vladimir and Crystal began a love affair. As Vladimir recalled, the affair began one evening when Eastman called him outside to stand on Jones Street with her. There they listened to Shubert’s Serenade that was playing from one of the tenements. This “most wonderful of all God’s miracles,” as Vladimir remembered it, led to “a beautiful, wonderful sacred year.”

The following March, Mary Simkhovitch invited Crystal to stay with their children at Mount Kisco located just north of the city where the family occasionally went for retreat. Simkhovitch and her husband were to arrive a couple days later. Whatever transpired during her stay with them, shortly thereafter Vladimir reluctantly, but definitively, ended the affair. To comfort Eastman, Vladimir resolved, in his usual poetic way, that “these memories will fade and wilt and evaporate and nothing will be left, except what has become a part of me. Thank God, a great deal of you has become a part of myself.” Within a couple months, and after much fraudulent gossip and whispering, Eastman was forced to leave Greenwich House through the guise of an invitation by Paul Kellogg to join him in his research in Pittsburgh.

After leaving, Eastman confided to her brother: “I have been feeling lately, somewhat lost and stranded, as if I couldn’t tell where or with what people I belonged.” It seems she was suffering from paradise lost, despite taking with her all that which she had learned. In Gerald McFarland’s Inside Greenwich Village (2001), attention is given to this affair, suggesting that the socio-economic principles that had been instilled in the young Eastman at Greenwich House was merely a side thought to their personal lives. Yet, those ideals were precisely what had attracted her to Vladimir. McFarland overlooked the fact that passion, in whatever form it is realized, can propel one, as it did Eastman, to take interest in a deeper understanding of the work she already had divested herself in and can generate some of the most articulate and insightful accomplishments. Love was the bait that had hooked her into the struggle for workers’ and women’s justice. The affair between the two was not merely an entertaining anecdote. It was the point in time that Crystal Eastman found her voice and expressed it the best she could.

As it turned out, the research project that she joined gave her opportunity to meet with other heavy hitters of the labor movement and to investigate working conditions. Crystal herself worked tirelessly to uncover case after case of infuriating evidence of negligence: “Helper – flooring factory – age 18 – clothing caught by set-screws in shafting; both arms and legs torn off; death ensued in five hours.” Nor was this the end of such savage disregard. Left behind were the families who had lost their means of subsistence. While families fought for some sort of meager compensation, the children stayed at home with no food to eat. Alternatively, they were robbed by unscrupulous ambulance chasers who claimed false promises.

Eastman made it clear that it was not insurance and compensation that she wanted. Rather, after having revealed such a dismissal of the value of human life, she sought a revolution. Pragmatically, however, she put her mind towards the immediate passage of workmen’s compensation legislation. Such legislation, she believed, forcibly altered capitalism’s indifference towards the loss of life. Those deaths, with such legislation enforced, would prove costly to the employers.

Eastman’s contribution to the survey, published as Work Accidents and the Law (1910), directly resulted in the passage of the first workmen’s compensation laws in the United States. No small feat for a twenty-nine year old woman uncertain of her future. This led her to work as an investigative attorney for the United States Commission on Industrial Relations and honored with the title of “the most dangerous woman in America.”

In addition to labor rights, Eastman directed her attention in the coming years towards mobilizing opinion against imperialism and war. She helped establish the Woman’s Peace Party and acted as president of the New York branch. Seeing the need for more forceful efforts against imperial terror and violence, she co-created the American Union Against Militarism. This organization was to produce a response to war-mongering hysterics and sought to end such crude aspects of World War One as the profiteering from contemporary Haliburtons of her day. Perhaps her most successful anti-war protest came in 1917 when she and Roger Baldwin, who had come to New York the previous year to assist her with the AUAM, organized the American Civil Liberties Union. In so doing, she sought to defend wartime dissenters and conscientious objectors given little representation and branded as inside enemies of democracy and freedom. Or, as she might say, to have something left to come home to after the war.

In addition to workers and pacifists, Eastman focused on the liberation of women. Drawing from her own experiences, the time at Greenwich House played a pivotal role in forming her perspective. Agency existed within its community. There was, however, a lack of feminist mindfulness. As she later suggested, the feminist “knows that the whole of woman’s slavery is not summed up in the profit system, nor her complete emancipation assured by the downfall of capitalism.” Elsie Clews Parsons, another feminist who Eastman knew from Greenwich House, supported this hypothesis when she proposed, “long after the problem of economic monopoly will have been solved the question of human monopoly will continue to harry us.” Parsons, an acclaimed anthropologist, proudly found herself on the “Who’s Who in Pacifism and Radicalism” list created by military intelligence in 1919. Randolph Bourne once said of Parsons: “If you are interested in rare persons, there she is.” Yet, she was as perplexed as Eastman by women’s inability to express their free will within socialist circles.

Fifty years later, Rowbotham took up this issue once more. In an article appearing in the January 1969 issue of Black Dwarf, she discussed the link between Marxism and sexual humiliation. Shortly after its publication, she resigned from the editorial board as her contribution caused internal controversy. Her parting words to the other members of the board was to suggest that “they sit around imagining they had cunts for two minutes in silence so they could understand why it was hard for me to discuss what I had written on women.” This farewell, while imaginative and cutting, also speaks to the heart of what it was she was saying. Rowbotham found difficulty in writing about the causation between Marxism and sexual degradation. As she later reflected, this was not the least because Marxist indoctrination often leaves out for women “how it feels in the head.”

Through writing the article, she combated “a hopeless bitter rage,” and worse, feeling like “a completely neurotic freak.” This was because, despite the liberation that Marxists offer the worker, capitalism still exists in the head when the same notions are applied to women. While often a subtle and even undetectable exclusion, it can be exasperating to the women who find themselves engaged in such groups that speak of freedom of the body while still restricting the freedom of the mind. This anger comes not simply from those inflicting such restrictions, but also from not being able to identify clearly for women themselves what is the root of the problem. In the head, it does not feel good.

Eastman and Rowbotham both understood this feeling. Eastman supported the notion when she stated: “all feminists are familiar with the revolutionary leader who can’t see.” These must have been the thoughts that manifested after she was unceremoniously forced out of Greenwich House. To be sure, these thoughts did not come until later, confessing to her brother at the time of her departure from the settlement that she felt lost. Nor did she defend herself from the gossip and accusations that ensued. In response to this antagonism, Rowbotham offers up an explanation to young Eastman’s graceless exodus. Rowbotham states that “for people who have no name, who have not been recognized, who have not known themselves,” communication is difficult. When they cannot speak, they feel a bitter, hopeless rage and those who hold themselves to be superior mistake this silence as a sign of stupidity. Then comes the gossip, the accusations, the attacks, ostracism, and demonizing. What is worse, Rowbotham points out that the gossip in particular often is generated by the older, more established women who yield it as a powerful tool against liberation for the younger. It is Rowbotham’s conclusion, of which Eastman would agree, that “the so-called women’s question is thus a whole people question not only because our liberation is inextricably bound up with the revolt of all those who are oppressed, but because their liberation is not realizable fully unless our subordination is ended.”

Eastman did return to Greenwich House. She and Kellogg were invited back, along with other members of the Pittsburgh investigation team, to discuss their work. Even having achieved national recognition, it still was an awkward occasion to be back in the company of her estranged mentor for an evening. Regardless, she had the support of her brother, who had also joined Greenwich House and had a hand in arranging her visit. Learning of the affair only after Crystal left, he had become her confidant. In so doing, Max did not judge his sister harshly. Rather, he encouraged her to go forward in her ideals. Despite promoting his sister’s independence, however, he must have understood the softer side of love and politics. Throughout the years to come, he kept her informed of Vladimir, responding to such inquiries as “How does he seem? You know what I want to know.”

As for Sheila Rowbotham, there is not an exodus planned for the near future. A professor at the University of Manchester since 1995, the university administration attempted to force her into retirement last year. Students there, who must also have learned from her unfaltering voice, successfully protested the decision. Rowbotham was extended a three-year contract.

Tracey Briggs lives in Chicago and can be reached at: traceyabriggs@yahoo.com

Our Friends in The South

Our Friends in The South

by James O’Nions

As we face increasingly international and interconnected crises around food, finance and climate, we need to know more about our global allies in the South. James O'Nions looks beyond the familiar but limited NGOs that stand for North-South relations in the mainstream media

‘Sustainable peasants' agriculture cools down the earth' reads the banner outside the conference centre at the UN climate talks in Poznan. It's an unusual slogan to a British activist. But then La Vía Campesina, an international organisation of peasants and landless movements, despite having member organisations in 69 countries, is not an organisation we hear much about in the UK, including on the left. And while there are development NGOs that work with social movements, few such organisations give us the kind of critical analysis of the world system advocated by Southern-based movements such as La Vía Campesina.

This analysis coming from the South is shaped by directly organising some of the world's poorest people against the most extreme consequences of 30 years of neoliberalism. It's also an analysis that is becoming more relevant now that the North is starting to suffer the consequences of trying to turn the world into a corporate paradise. A major financial crisis is overlaid by the worsening of global warming. The North has even begun to feel the effects of the food crisis despite the insulation of relative wealth.

Seen from the South, these overlapping crises appear even more serious. Last year saw food riots in many countries, and while food subsidies produced some temporary improvements, the UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation reports that 40 million extra people have been pushed into hunger and predicts the food crisis will get worse in 2009.

The effects of climate change on the South are less immediate. Yet increases in extreme weather events and flooding, and the melting of mountain glaciers on which a fifth of the world's population depends for drinking water are already evident. The World Development Movement estimates that by 2050, ten million people in the South will be forced to permanently abandon their homes, with disastrous effects on their livelihoods.

The financial crisis may appear to be more of a Northern phenomenon, but globalisation means it will not stay that way for long. Economies that were encouraged towards dependency on export earnings will see Northern demand dry up; remittances from migrant workers that sustain countries such as Haiti will certainly be affected; and capital investment is likely to drop off as banks pull out of the periphery to shore up the centre.

Social movements and globalisation

A huge range of social movements and grass-roots organisations has emerged in the South in the past two decades to deal with the problems caused by the free market dogma at the root of the current crises. These movements tend to have a much stronger critical analysis of the system and what changes are needed than the big Northern-based development agencies like Oxfam, Cafod and Save the Children.

For instance, while aid agencies have worried that overseas development aid will drop off as Northern governments deal with recession at home, Jubilee South, based in South Africa but organised across the South, is among the networks seeing this moment as an opportunity for the more fundamental changes to the financial system it has been advocating for years. Jubilee South is a coalition that was set up as a counterpart to the Jubilee movement in rich countries, who were calling for debt cancellation at the millennium. Yet it calls not for debt ‘forgiveness', but for Southern governments to repudiate their debts to the North.

Through processes such as debt audits, Jubilee South members put pressure on indebted governments to act, a tactic that has recently borne fruit in Ecuador when President Correa stopped payment of some the country's ‘illegitimate' debt. With climate change becoming increasingly important, Jubilee South is also trying to stop the World Bank getting its hands on financing for adaptation, and proposing that an ecological debt is owed from North to South for the destruction wreaked by global warming.

Peasants and the food crisis

For La Vía Campesina, the food crisis vindicates their belief that food for export is a problem rather than a solution to global poverty. La Vía Campesina is a global federation of small farmers', agricultural workers' and fisherfolk organisations. Mainly, though, they identify as peasants, a term with negative connotations in English, behind which, as the campesinos are all too aware, lies a modern contempt for small producers.

No one, neither Marxists nor neoliberals, anticipated the re-emergence of the peasantry as a social force in the world, let alone as a progressive rather than conservative force. Yet this is the flip-side of agricultural globalisation, which compounded centuries-old inequalities in land distribution with the dominance of agribusiness and open markets. It's by no means a homogenous organisation, bringing together the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST, see right) with the small farmers of the French Confédération Paysanne, but the vast majority of its 148 member organisations are from the South.

The struggle of small producers for dignity and livelihood means taking on monoculture agrofuel plantations, biotech seed companies and the World Trade Organisation. For La Vía Campesina it also means tackling the under-representation of women both in its own political structures and the world at large. But La Vía Campesina is perhaps strongest not in what it opposes, but in what it proposes: agroecology, a basically organic agriculture, and ‘food sovereignty'.

The idea of food sovereignty came from discussions in La Vía Campesina itself, and in that sense is very grass-roots. The basic tenets involve seeing food as a basic human right rather than a commodity, and prioritising local and national consumption over global markets. It also weaves in democratic control of the food system, protection of natural resources, agrarian reform and social peace. As a result of this work, when the food crisis hit, La Vía Campesina had a worked out, human-centred alternative to agricultural commodities speculation. For Mohammed Ikhwan of La Vía Campesina member the Indonesian Peasants' Union, food sovereignty is important because ‘it's not just a "no". It is a real alternative from the people against the destructive neoliberal food and agriculture model.'

Climate justice

Not only will the South be worst hit by climate change, but the agenda for dealing with it is dominated by Northern and corporate concerns. This has led to the foundation of Climate Justice Now (CJN), a coalition of social movements and NGOs working to ensure that justice is at the heart of the world's response to global warming.

Those taking part in CJN are not solely motivated by concern over the impact of climate change. They see an injustice in the refusal of the rich world to deal with a problem it created. This is true not just in UN negotiations, but in the host of false solutions such as carbon trading, agrofuels and the ‘clean development mechanism', which usually result in more social and environmental costs for marginalised communities while letting Northern corporations carry on polluting.

Focus on the Global South, an NGO based in Thailand, India and the Philippines, has been a key facilitator of CJN, just as it has been at the heart of international networks on trade and resisting foreign military bases. While Focus's central concept of ‘deglobalisation' points to the need for Southern states to reclaim their sovereignty, it also puts considerable emphasis on grass-roots and non-state groups as agents of social change; hence its role in these networks and in the World Social Forum.

For Herbert Docena of Focus on the Philippines, this is part of the organisation's rationale: ‘Our aim is to strengthen the global justice movements by helping us make the connections across complex issues and across our fragmented movements.' This is in marked contrast to many Northern NGOs, which tend to ‘dumb down' issues to their audiences while simultaneously ‘professionalising' the response to them.

The view from the North

Despite their significance for activists, social movements in the majority world are relatively unknown in the UK. Knowledge about actual organisations, what they do, and how we might act in solidarity with them is often limited to the staff of those development organisations who work with them on particular projects.

Since the development sector in the UK is dominated by the inheritors of the tradition of Victorian philanthropy, social movements do not figure heavily in their marketing materials. When they do, it's often in copy about what a difference your money is making, not about how their partners view neoliberal capitalism.

Organisations on the Marxist left, meanwhile, often talk generally about the ‘anti-capitalist movement' while ignoring many of its most significant components in the South. Even the World Social Forum, a global gathering of social movements and other organisations, attracts mainly NGO professionals and progressive academics rather than grass-roots activists from the UK.

Some Northern NGOs, of course, have a social movement orientation to their work and a conception of solidarity at the centre of it. The Transnational Institute, based in Amsterdam but international in operation, is one such body. Though it was conceived as a progressive international think-tank of critical ‘scholars', its campaign work has seen it support global demands for water to be a human right rather than a commodity and develop a thorough-going critique of carbon trading as well as being an important intellectual resource in the critique of the WTO and the inequalities of the neoliberal relations of ‘free' trade.

Attac was originally founded in France as a campaign for a tax on financial speculation, and quickly spread across Europe. It now has a broader remit, working on most aspects of corporate globalisation and with some national sections in the South too. It was one of the first networks to respond to the financial crisis with radical alternatives. There are many reasons why the UK is the only major European country without an Attac group, but the dominance of the ‘charitable' response to injustice is surely one.

Friends of the Earth International, a mixed North-South NGO federation whose 77 national affiliates differ greatly in the extent to which they critique the current economic system, have nevertheless entered into an interesting partnership recently with La Vía Campesina, especially over the food sovereignty agenda. Whether this will filter through to local Friends of the Earth groups in the North remains to be seen. Yet it illustrates that a real solidarity relationship must go both ways: the ‘Southern' concept of food sovereignty has important implications for our ideas about sustainability in the North.

A new approach

Many of the fundamental issues activists face in the North are the same as those in the South - corporate takeover, rising inequality, privatisation, casualisation and the erosion of the ‘commons'. Often the same companies operate in the North and the South. The fight against Shell's operations in the Niger Delta and on Ireland's west coast is just one example. It is important not to over-simplify these parallels - while water privatisation is the theft of a common good in both Northern and Southern contexts, it is only in the South that it has resulted in the poor losing access to clean water. But if we recognise the differences in context - and in power - links with Southern social movements can only strengthen our organised responses to the financial crisis in the UK.

As activists in the UK, we often seem to face a choice between being active on domestic or international issues. Our relative wealth can understandably make campaigning on Southern issues seem like the more ethical choice. Yet in doing so we are in danger of pursuing what we might call ‘charitable campaigning'. British NGOs can sometimes sound quite radical on certain issues, but usually refuse to generalise political messages to a UK context, and avoid difficult arguments about the real role of Britain in the world. But if we know more about Southern movements, we can start to see them as ‘those who fight our fight somewhere else'. They can be the ‘other' in a real relationship of solidarity that helps us to change our society too. As we respond to the fallout from 30 years of corporate globalisation, it's time to move our relationship with the ‘developing' world out of the zone of charity.

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Food Not Bombs Albuquerque Facing Fines and Arrests!!

Hey Comp@s,
Food Not Bombs Albuquerque was recently notified that we are facing having to pay $3,000.00 in fines and we will be "forcibly removed" from the area near the UNM Bookstore if we continue to share free healthy food. We are asking for all of our friends and supporters to bring video cameras, cameras, instruments like drums and guitar, and join us as we share a free healthy meal with the community Wednesday March 11 @ 11am and Friday March 13 @ 12 noon at the UNM Bookstore.
Thanks so much for your support in the past and we hope to
see you in the streets!
Mike Butler
Food Not Bombs Albuquerque
(505) 242-0497 or fnb_505@yahoo.com